The Turkish population is the largest migrant population in Germany. Out of the estimated 7.5 mio. foreigners currently living in Germany (which is around 9 % of the overall population), about 1,9 mio. belong to the Turkish population. Additionally, there are many former Turkish people which have adapted to the German citizenship; however, it's exact number is not known. Many of the migrants with Turkish origin belong to the group of the so-called "guestworker-generation", e.g., they belong to those migrants, who came to Germany for work.

Currently, more than 20 % of the persons with Turkish origin are 55 years and older. Furthermore, it is estimated that 2/3 of them will not return after retirement and consequently will get old in Germany.

The paper highlightens some of the most significant reasons why Turkish older migrants plan to stay in Germany. Secondly, a short insight into the life - situation of the older Turkish population in Germany is given, based on the so called "Lebenslage-Konzept". In this context, the following issues are touched: financial situation, labour force participation and situation working life, social integration, social networks and social contacts, family relations, health status, (future) care needs and demands, individual plans for the future and "illusion of return". Although many of the data available do refer not explicitly to the Turkish population but to the older migrants as such, it should be possible to stress out Turkish peculiarities. The paper will end with the question how German policy makers and how Germany politics of old age currently react in order to meet the new social challenges which arise from the issue of older migrants.

older migrants, older Turkish population in Germany, getting old as migrant in Germany

According to official statistics currently about 7,5 million foreigners live in Germany today. The majority belongs to the former so called "guest workers". With around 1,9 million, Turkish migrants are the biggest group of foreigners living in Germany, i.e. they comprise a about 26%. The second biggest group are persons from the former Yugoslavia, followed by persons from Italy, Greece and Poland.

It is important to note, that the trend towards an ageing society does not only affect the German - but also the migrant population. In fact, the group of older migrants is the fastest growing segment within the ageing population. In 2006, about 850.000 foreign persons - that means 12% of the whole foreign population - were 60 years and older. Among them about 20 % were Turkish.

The increasing number of older migrants in Germany is due to the fact that only a minority returns back to their home countries. According to realistic estimates around 2/3 of the foreigners/migrants who are older than 65 years of age plan to stay in Germany for good. Furthermore, it has to be taken into consideration that not all people who want to return to their home countries can realize this aim. This often is described as a so called "return-illusion", which means that the wish to return becomes an illusion due to several reasons. The most important factors for a permanent residence in Germany - and this applies especially to older Turkish people - are:

• Family reasons (children/grandchildren live in Germany)
• Health-related reasons (better health care system in Germany and obligation of residence to receive benefits form the Long-Term-Care-Insurance)
• Unfulfilled personal and/or economic aims of migration ("I will be working hard and than I will be able to buy a house")
• Grown emotional, social and (sometimes) political distance towards the homeland
• Comfortable ways of commuting between Germany and the home country
• Other reasons ...

Furthermore, especially commuting between the 'first' and the 'second' homeland is used as a new form of permanently staying in contact with the country of origin. Mainly healthy older migrants prefer to be in both countries - in Germany and in Turkey - for a couple of month every year. That means they can use the advantages of both countries and do not need to make the important decision about permanent residence. Taking into consideration

• increasing intention and necessities of older migrants for staying in Germany and
• continuing immigration into Germany

we expect a "growing ethnic and cultural differentiation of age" in the near future.

Despite of the fact that the foreign population in Germany is ageing very rapidly, it is still considerably young compared to the German population. In 2005 about 70% of foreigners were under 45 years of age, whereas this percentage was less than 60 % the German comparison group. Just 7% of the foreigners living in Germany were older than 65 years compared to about 20 % of Germans. With currently about 50.000 people aged 85 years plus they "very old" do not play a significant role in the foreign population. Among the 85+ you will hardly find any Turkish person.

Characteristically for the older foreign population in Germany is the very high percentage of men (nearly 56% of all foreigners, 60% of all Turks). This can be explained with the German recruiting and immigration policy between 1955 and 1973 which was - due to labour market needs at that time - primarily focussed on men. Only if you look at the age group 75 and older, women outnumber men.

Concerning the age structure between different nationalities living in Germany considerable differences can be observed. Thus, the population of Spanish origin have the highest percentage of older migrants, followed by migrants from Croatia and Greece. The migrant population from Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as from Portugal are significantly younger. Also among the Turkish population the percentage of the older people is relatively small. These differences reflect the recruiting policy which initially concentrated on the southern EC countries.

In German social sciences the "concept of life circumstances" (Lebenslagekonzept) is used very often to analyse and describe living conditions and social risks of the population and/or of special sub groups. In the "concept of life circumstances" different dimensions are defined. These dimensions are, for example: income, housing employment, social relationships and health.

Research shows that these dimensions are more unfavourable for older migrants than for older Germans. This applies - as you will see as I go along - particularly for the dimensions income and health. But at the same time it should not be overlooked that older migrants do have potentials and resources - especially with regard to social relationships. But first I present the available data on income:

Existing income data reveal that the household income of older Germans (definition: head of the household being older than 65 years) is distinctly higher than that of "foreigner households" of the same age. But there a big differences with regard to nationality. In 2002, German households had at their disposal an average net income of 1,603 EUR per month. The appropriate income for Greek households was 1,433 EUR, for Italian households 1,482 EUR and for older Turkish households 1,208 EUR. Older households from the former Yugoslavia had 1,190 EUR at its disposal

Considering the net household income per capita the income differences between the nationalities are proved again: The income per capita of the older Italians was indeed less than that of older Germans (872 EUR vs. 1,101 EUR per month), but more than the income of the Greek (792 EUR) and that of persons from former Yugoslavia (756 EUR). But now the older Turks have the lowest income per capita (593 EUR per month), although - compared to the other migrant groups - Turkish older migrants more often receive pensions from the German social pension funds. This is an indicator for the lower average working income of the group of older migrants in the past. In this connection it should be noticed that older Turkish people who live in Germany have - in comparison to members of other nationalities - a higher employment rate after 65 - probably another expression of economical needs.

In consequence, older foreigners are considerably more unsatisfied with their income than the Germans who are older than 65. This aggravates with rising age. However, it seems that older female migrants are more frugal: despite of their lower income they are more satisfied with their standard of living.

Concerning this topic there are no national specific data available. But all available empirical research confirms that the housing conditions of the older foreigners are still worse than those of Germans: Over 80% of the 45 to 64 years old and nearly 70% of the age group 65 and older live in flats - compared to 46% respectively 52% of the Germans of the same age.

However, the differences between the quality of housing and accommodation of Germans and foreigners are gradually getting less. There are still some (admittedly marginal) differences which refer to the equipment with central heating. In addition, the accommodations of foreigners are significantly less equipped with - more or less common - housing standards like: balcony, garden, home appliances, computers and cars. This counts especially for the households of older migrants.

Concerning this topic, we do not have any national specific data available. Although regional studies (e.g. from Hamburg) report a higher degree of visiting general practitioners among older migrant compared to older Germans.

Research also indicates a higher risk of older migrants being supplied less intensive or less accurate. Mainly for chronic, psychosomatic and mental illnesses an inadequate diagnosis and treatment can be observed.

When it comes to the use of professional social and /or care services by older migrants we also have an information deficit. Small-scale research shows that ambulant as well as stationary facilities are used less frequently by older migrants compared to older Germans. However, this is presumably not due to a lower degree of necessity. On the contrary: apart from the fact that a) we still have a relatively low number of very old persons among the migrant population in Germany and b) that older migrants receive better informal support and care by family members the following barriers regarding the disuse of services can be mentioned:

• information deficit
• language deficit (which is particularly true for older Turkish women)
• cultural-based attitudes towards health and illness and the way to deal with both
• financial and legal barriers,
• no cultural-sensitively equipped services including qualified personnel with culture-sensitive competences and last but not least
• migrant discrimination (attitude and behaviour) of providers

Although meanwhile this issue is recognized as restricting the quality of life and care of older migrants significantly, still a nation wide improvement campaign is missing. 

Empirical data show that older migrants are integrated more comprehensive into social networks and are less affected by social isolation than German elderly. Older migrants rarely live alone (apart from the special group of male migrants), are more often - because of lower average age - married and live all in all more often in bigger intergenerational households. This counts especially for older Turks. The for German women typical "singularisation in old age" is much less far spread among older foreign or especially Turkish women mainly due to their young age average.

In consequence, with 2.9 persons on average the foreign households of the elderly (65 +) are so far bigger than those of the natives with 2.4 persons, whereas they equal with growing age visibly.

Altogether, households with two generations dominate, which applies to Turkish families more than average. In consequence, older Turkish people are among all older foreign populations the least living alone and the most living in multi-generational households.

With about 85% the overwhelming majority of the older migrants have children, which is only a little less than among the Germans. In addition they count more often siblings and also parents to their closer family. Among both, German and migrant elderly, the vast majority of the children live in near distance to their parents. Even, if the children of older migrants live abroad, this obviously does not seem to have any negative effects on the furthermore close emotional relationships.

Also in terms of exchange of help between the family members German and migrant elderly are alike: While older Germans and migrants support their children mainly financially, children return help by giving instrumental support. Also in case of illness or being in need of long-term care support is given primarily by family members. This is also true for both the German and the foreign population, provided children are existing at all. However, research reveal an overall lower number of external informal helpers among older migrants  - compared to Germans - what obviously mirrors the fact that among older migrants informal helpers are primarily recruited out of family members.

Significant for older migrants in Germany, especially after retiring, is the revival of ethnicity in old age. The factual as well as the emotional withdrawal into one's own ethnicity can be interpreted as having better opportunities to address problems between like-minded people, to act out their sociability and culture, to receive their own appraisal and having better access to solid social support systems if necessary. In consequence, only 37% of the 45 to 64 years old and 34% of the over 65 years old migrants have a German friend as one of three most important person of reference apart from family members. However, this also mirrors - particularly among older Turkish women - the comparatively low developed language skills. In addition, one of the most significant dimensions of the revival of ethnicity can be seen in an increase of using the native language and to unlearn German. Research shows, that currently about 50 % of the 65+ Turkish migrants speak the German language very badly or not at all. 

Older migrants show a significantly lower educational as well as vocational status. Particularly the education level of older Turkish people can be classified as very low: 42% of the 45 to 64 years old and 57% of the 65+ old Turkish population do not have a formal educational degree. Compared with all other older migrants living in Germany this is twice as much. More than 85% of the over 65+ Turkish population do not have a formal vocational degree - compared to 53% of all migrants and to 36% of all Germans in this age group.

A comparison of the employment reveals that only 38% of the 55 to 65 years old migrants are working compared to 42% among the Germans with same age. Above average, they work as blue-collar workers and distinctly less as white-collar workers or self employed - compared to the German working population in this age group. On average, Turkish women are the first to be early retired, mostly due to restrictions in the work ability and primarily due to health reasons. However, among the self-employed the activity rate of older migrants is higher than among Germans of the same age.

In comparison to the Germans older migrant workers are hit more often by unemployment. This counts especially for those who came to Germany in the wake of the recruiting policy in the sixties and seventies. In March 2004 more than a quarter of the older migrants (45+ and/or 55+) were officially unemployed, whereas the percentage of coeval Germans was just under 15%. Again older Turkish migrants have the highest risk of unemployment in comparison to all other nationalities (together with Italians and Greeks).

In all, no representative epidemiological data concerning the health status and being needy of long-term care of older migrants are available. This also is true for differences between nationalities. However, smaller regional studies confirm age-related health-problems to be more often and also to appear earlier among older migrants compared to older Germans in the same age. E.g., older migrants show significantly higher diabetes prevalence rates as well as a considerably higher increase of tuberculosis incidences. For foreign older men nutrition and metabolism diseases, heart and circulation problems, problems with the musculoskeletal system and respiratory organs are reasons for starting rehabilitation earlier and above average. Older foreign women are treated more often because of mental illnesses, such as heavy depressions, and abnormal behaviour. In consequence older migrants rate their satisfaction with their health status much worse than German of the same age, what mirrors a comparatively lower satisfaction of health in old age. Hence, an earlier start of being needy of long-term care can be supposed.

As the most important factors for the intense decrease of the 'healthy migrant'-effect physical work loads (overtime, shift and piece-work in industry and mining) as well as other stressful living conditions, which come along with the migration, can be identified. Among the latter the following can be mentioned: income and education deficits, separation from family and friends who still live in the country of origin, social exclusion because of language and cultural barriers and in consequence, worse access to health services as mentioned earlier.

Although for many older migrants the trend to an "aging in Germany" was foreseeable, in Germany the implicit idea ('rotation principle') dominated, most of the recruited so-called guest workers would return to their countries of origin in old age, and the few who would stay could be supported by their families. In fact, research shows a high degree of preparedness particularly within Turkish families to support older family members in case of being needy of care - although no empirical data is available to confirm this in reality. Hence, for a long time adequate ideas how to deal with "migrant ageing" was not on the socio-political agenda.

Today a growing sensibility towards a specific policy for older migrants including cultural-sensitive social work and social care, is noticeable on different levels. Exemplary I would like to give you a short overview on selected initiatives, projects and so on, known to me, which just indicate the spectrum, but will not impose a demand for completeness:

• Increasingly, local authorities of cities with a high percentage of migrant population start to prepare for a migration-specific need for action. According to this, e.g. surveys in mother language are available for Unna or Hamm.
• In Dortmund 2002 a concept for advancing the local social work for the older population was developed, which explicitly incorporates issues and demands of older migrants.
• In Neumünster (Schleswig-Holstein) a communication forum was founded for and with older immigrants in order to develop joint recommendations for the future health and care demand.
• All of the here reported projects try to establish forms of participation of persons concerned.
• Also the practice of long-term care for migrant older persons is starting to be changed. For example in Berlin, Dortmund, Hannover and Köln culture-sensitively equipped ambulant nursing services have been opened.
• In Bremen the "Bremer Heimstiftung" supports in village Gröpelingen a remarkable integrated housing project particularly aiming at older migrants, which combines offers of housing, social support and long-term care.
• In Gelsenkirchen the AWO runs a special counselling office for older migrants suffering from dementia.
• In many places homes for the elderly practice a 'culture sensitive' re-organisation of offers and structures. A relatively high degree of popularity can be found in "Das Haus am Sandberg" in Duisburg or in the "Interkulturelle Altenhilfezentrum Bockenheim" near Frankfurt.
• Culture-sensitive further education has become standard in many services, institutes and agencies, particularly with focus on culture-sensitive long-term care demands.
• Again in NRW the education centre "Berufliche Qualifizierung Multi-Kulti" of the multicultural forum in Lünen is well known for its further training in culture-sensitive-gerontological issues. The same is true for the Diakonisches Werk der Evangelischen Kirche in the Rhineland.
• At state level, for example the Inquiry-Commission of the Northrhine-Westfalian Parliament "Future of Long-Term-Care" has recently (2004) emphasised the issue "need of care of older immigrants" as being of outstanding social importance and has published a wide spectrum of proposals. The same counts for the Berlin Landespflegeplan of 2002, which especially proposes to care institutions, to reorganise their services more culture-sensitively.
• At Federal level the second interim report of the Parliamentary-Inquiry-Commission looking into the consequences of demographic change (2002) dedicated an own main chapter to the topic "Altern in der Fremde" (ageing in foreign countries). Many of the existing projects of the communal practice are already recommended there.
• In 2002 also at federal level the rearrangement of the apprenticeship of care-professions amongst others highly recommends to the theoretical and practical education to take up explicitly ethnic-specific aspects of care as wells as intercultural characteristics and questions concerning belief and life
• In 2004, initiated by the Kuratorium Deutsche Altenhilfe (KDA) and by a special memorandum, a nationwide "Kampagne für eine kultursensible Altenhilfe" (campaign for a culture sensitive assistance for the elderly) has been launched aiming at sensitising local actors and agencies.
• Meanwhile, on Federal level a nation-wide forum on "culture-sensitive support for older persons" ("Forum für kultursensible Altenhilfe") has been founded in which all big welfare organisations and many local authorities are co-operating.

 In conclusion, I would like to mention some of the most important recommendations, which were published by the NRW-Inquiry-Commission "Zukunft der Pflege" in 2004. Amongst others, well-known experts were interviewed concerning their appraisal with respect to future needs for action. The results can be summarised as follows:

• Networking, cooperation and creation of offers for regulations in care accommodations,
• Closer co-operation of German service providers with agencies of social work for migrants,
• More mother-language counselling and information concerning offers and services,
• Better collaboration of the existing professional services with multipliers belonging to the different ethnic groups,
• Increasing of advisory services, i.e. by creating pools of interpreters,
• Raising the qualification level of the different professional actors, especially with focus on culture sensitivity and orientation to specific life circumstances of the older migrants,
• Supporting and promoting existing informal networks and self-help groups of older migrants,
• Interculturally opening of services of promoting autonomy, like housing advice services, meals on wheel or other housing services, ambulatory care services as well as alternative forms of housing,
• Expansion of the public reporting on social and health issues on federal, state and local level as well as adapting official statistics according to migration issues.

Prof. Dr. Gerhard Naegele

University of Dortmund, Institute of Gerontology

www.uni-dortmund.de/FFG

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